Would abolishing the Senate be impossible? Maybe not. [
http://rabble.ca/blogs/bloggers/karl-ne ... -maybe-not ]
By Karl Nerenberg | June 9, 2015
EXCERPT:Sober second thoughtThere is another putative role for the Senate, the one envisioned by John A. Macdonald.
It is to be the chamber of "sober second thought."
Liberal MP and former party leader Stéphane Dion has posted a well-reasoned essay on Senate reform on his website that, for the most part, does not overly tilt toward partisan advocacy.
In it, Dion cites the way in which, historically, the Senate has played that "second thought" role.
"Between 1994 and 2008, the Senate amended nine per cent of the Bills approved by the House of Commons and only explicitly rejected two out of 465 Bills." Dion writes. "The Senate acted exactly how a Chamber of sober second thought is expected to. Year in, year out, it amended from eight to 10 per cent of the Bills proposed by the House of Commons and almost never rejected any."
Dion explains that the Senate was able to perform this useful function because its members were not as involved in partisan politics as were their colleagues in the House of Commons.
He then bemoans the fact that Prime Minister Harper has imposed the same ironclad, partisan discipline on his Conservative senators as he does on House members, thus effectively stripping the Red Chamber of that historic "sober second thought" function.
A house of entitlement and privilegeThere is yet another view of the Senate's vocation that may be closest to reality.
The Canadian Senate, from this perspective, was meant to be neither a key feature of the federal system nor a legislative check on the House of Commons.
It was, mostly, designed to be Canada's answer to the British House of Lords.
Lacking a true aristocracy, those colonial wannabes, the fathers of Confederation, decided to create an ersatz one -- ergo, the fathers' insistence that all Senators must own at least $4,000 worth of property, a princely sum in 1867.
Neither women (not deemed "persons"), nor working-class renters, nor tenant farmers were welcome in the Senate that Sir John A. Macdonald and his colleagues created.
From its inception, Canada's upper house was essentially all about social class and privilege.
And it has not changed much in nearly 150 years.
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As prime minister, Mulcair could, for instance, repeal Harper's federal criminal code changes that are obnoxious to Quebec, and only proceed with future legislative initiatives that implicate Quebec (and other provinces') role on a cooperative, consultative basis.
In other words, if an NDP government were to set an entirely new and much more open tone in its dealings with Indigenous Canadian and with the provinces, that might make it easier for all concerned to go along with what would likely be a popular move: rolling up the Senate's red carpet for once and for all time.
As well, as it proceeded to abolish the Senate, a new government could also move to enlarge the House of Commons, by including added members who were elected proportionally.
An NDP government might even consider mandating a minimum number of Indigenous MPs, something the New Zealanders have done with some success.
In other words, Senate abolition could be linked both to a renewed spirit of federal cooperation (which fully includes First Nations) and a program of genuine democratic reform.
That could make it acceptable to all -- to use the currently all-too-fashionable term -- stakeholders
It may be a tall order, but it would sure beat the status quo.